Showing posts with label [timur_aliev]. Show all posts
Showing posts with label [timur_aliev]. Show all posts

Russia: Ramzan Kadyrov's Motorcade

Global Voices Online
Saturday, April 12, 2008


The YouTube video below, of what is described to be a motorcade of Chechnya's president Ramzan Kadyrov, has been viewed over 100,000 times (plus, this clip has been re-posted by a number of other YouTube and RuTube users):



LJ user navalny - Aleksei Navalny, former deputy head of the Moscow branch of Yabloko party, "a democrat who's not too excited about liberals" - has tried to classify (RUS) the cars seen in the video. According to him, there are at least nine Porsche Cayenne vehicles, two BMW 5 Series, two Mercedes S-Class, and eight Lexus GX 470 (or Toyota 100 Land Cruiser). Additionally, there's this:

[...] Thirty more cars, half of which half are [Lada 110], and the other half is [a mix] of BMW 5 Series, [Mercedes G-Class], a few [Volga] cars, etc. [...]


Having sorted out Kadyrov's cars, LJ user navalny continues:

[...] It's hard to calculate the motorcade's cost. Especially considering that Cayenne, for example, is the most frequently stolen expensive cars. As we know, they are mainly taken to the Caucasus. Very likely, some are taken there for the needs of the Hero of Russia [Ramzan Kadyrov].

But here's what's really interesting. Ninety-eight percent of the Chechen Republic's budget is made up of the federal budget funds.

[...]

This miraculous motorcade has been acquired and is maintained on our money.

Let's be realistic. A president of the Federation's subject cannot drive [Zhiguli], and yes, Kadyrov does need guards. Yes, he needs an expensive car, or else he won't be respected by the locals [...].

But still, a motorcade consisting of more than 50 cars, of which ten are Cayennes - it's too much.

Helping observe the Chechen native traditions and customs is turning out to be a bit too expensive for other citizens of the Russian Federation.


LJ user sdobnoff posted a sarcastic comment:

The motorcade's cost is minimal!

In the past few weeks alone, 16 Porsche Cayenne cars have been stolen in Moscow.


LJ user bolshakov added one more item to LJ user navalny's list:

Right. When I was hospitalized this past summer, Kadyrov came to visit his nephew, I guess, at the Sklifosovsky Institute - there are also [Bentley]'s in the motorcade.


Back in July 2007, Timur Aliev - LJ user timur_aliev, a journalist and Ramzan Kadyrov's aide - wrote (RUS) about what had allegedly happened to the Chechen president's nephew:

The big celebration of Kadyrov's 100 days [as president], which was to take place tomorrow, has been canceled. They say it's because Ramzan's 12-year-old nephew is in an intensive care unit now - a dew days ago, he was in a car accident. He took [a Zhiguli car] from the adults and crashed in it. [...]


Commenting on LJ user navalny's post now, Timur Aliev wrote:

What you see is most likely a collective motorcade of the cars belonging to the [presidential administration] and the government. The president usually rides in a 10-car motorcade, which includes the guards' cars.

Russia: Two Dagestani Journalists Killed

Global Voices Online
Sunday, March 23, 2008


Ilyas Shurpaev, a 32-year-old TV journalist and blogger (LJ user shurpaev), was found strangled in the apartment he was renting in Moscow Friday. (More detailed English-language media accounts of the murder are here.)

A native of Dagestan, Shurpaev had been based in Makhachkala until very recently, covering the Caucasus region for the state-owned Channel One. (A Sept. 2007 Global Voices translation featuring his observations on the situation in Ingushetia is here.) He transferred to Channel One's Moscow office a month ago.

Timur Aliev - LJ user timur_aliev, a journalist and Chechen president Ramzan Kadyrov's aide - wrote this (RUS) about Shurpaev:

[...] He was an excellent guy - witty, communicative. Lots of fun stuff on his blog - yesterday, by the way, he wrote a lot there. We knew each other mainly through LJ. Though we did run into each other once in real life - at a seminar in [Nalchik]. And for the New Year's, he sent us some gifts, through friends from Makhachkala. It's been hardly a month since he moved to Moscow, and we were congratulating him in LJ on the new job location. He had been covering all kinds of things in his native Dagestan (explosions, terrorist acts, warfare) and nothing had happened to him. And in Moscow, he got killed...


Oleg Panfilov - LJ user oleg_panfilov, director of the Center for Journalism in Extreme Situations - wrote this (RUS):

Ilyas had a book in him. And, perhaps, even more than one. He was very talented, his blog was, I think, one of the best ones in my [feed]. I recommended it to many people, although sometimes I had a problem with his loose style and "salty" words...

Most likely, they attempted to rob him, but they didn't take his laptop. I don't think it was a work-related murder, because Ilyas was a rare journalist who did the most serious stories solidly and neutrally. Sometimes, when we got together in Makhachkala, we talked about propaganda, and Ilyas, who understood perfectly well what kind of place he was working at [state TV], was making it clear that he was trying hard to avoid propaganda cliches. And he was successful in doing that...


The following exchange on Shurpaev's professionalism (RUS) took place in the comments section to Panfilov's post:

z_ari_n:

[...] he... was... a good journalist. [...]

dinrid

Then what was he doing at Channel One if he was a good journalist? In Russia, it is now practically impossible to be an honest journalist if you don't have your work published in the oppositional mass media.

oleg_panfilov:

This opinion, of course, is legitimate, too, but, first, the oppositional media also frequently have problems with objectivity, and second, the number of honest journalists and "honest" media is not the same.

z_ari_n:

I'm sorry, but this doesn't mean anything. To be a good journalist, it's enough not to be a frenzied journalist. Basically, a good journalist can work practically anywhere, as long as [he/she] is considerate and diligent.


Here is a comment (RUS) Shurpaev made on March 3 about his work and the Russian presidential election, which took place the previous day:

Watched our programming yesterday. I'm so happy I'm here in Abkhazia now, on a work trip, and am not taking part in this bacchanalia. Thanks for your attention.


Shurpaev's last blog entry (RUS) has received much attention both in the Russian blogosphere and in the media. In it, he wrote that he'd been "blacklisted" by a Dagestani newspaper critical of the republic's president:

Here we go! I'm a [dissident] now! Not sure if I should laugh or cry. I already wrote here that there's a battle going on at one Dagestani paper between its journalists and founders. The latter, according to the journalists, wanted to use them as informational killers. The potential killers [the journalists] rebelled. But all this business is way too serious and I don't understand it. But here's what blew me away. The founders came up with a list of people who it's forbidden to publish in this paper, mention them or [...] even interact with them in the newspaper's building. And there I am, in the front row! Heading the list! The funniest thing is that I've never written anything subversive for this paper - only notes on my travels, in which I did not touch upon the political situation in Zimbabwe, but just describe where I'd been, what I'd eaten and who I'd seen. I haven't taken part in the political life of the republic [Dagestan] or even of my region, because I'm lazy and, in general, I had to go to the gym and take my daughter to the movies and to the playground. And then boom! Such a turn of events... Perpaps the [newspaper's] founders know something about me that I do not know myself? Maybe I should do the "suitcase-train station-Israel" thing, so as not to become a second [Khodorkovsky]? Anyways. Matilda [a frequent anonymous addressee of Shurpaev's blog postings]! Knit me some woolen socks. Just in case. The size is 43 1/2. [...]


Among other individuals on the newspaper's "black list" was Gadzhi Abashilov, head of Dagestan's state TV. Around 8 PM on Friday, Abashilov was shot dead in the republic's capital, Makhachkala.

Timur Aliev posted some thoughts (RUS) on this murder as well:

The second murder of a Dagestani journalist in two days - now, following Ilyas Shurpaev (in Moscow), Gadzhi Abashilov has been killed in Makhachkala.

I don't know whether these two murders are connected. But here's one version (I do not possess any insider information whatsoever). Abashilov was a pro-government journalist, a media bureaucrat - head of the "Dagestan" [State TV and Radio Company]. Ilyas [Shurpaev] could have also been perceived to have ties with the government - because he worked for [state-owned Channel One] - the main federal channel. Both were on some list of journalists who had been banned from being published and mentioned in an independent (and, lately, more of an oppositional) Dagestani newspaper. Thus, they were both identified more like pro-government people.

This leads to two conclusions (of course, only in case these two murders originate from the same source) - either the opposition is retaliating, or someone wants to compromise the opposition - namely, [Suleiman Kerimov] (who has been mentioned as the newspaper's sponsor). [...]


According to media reports on the ongoing investigation, the killings of Shurpaev and Abashilov are not connected.

Russia: New Year's in Grozny

Global Voices Online
Tuesday, January 15, 2008


LJ user timur-aliev has posted three New Year's snapshots taken in Grozny, the capital of Chechnya, which the United Nations called "the most destroyed city on earth" in 2003.

Below is the Chechen blogger's brief account of the festivities - and a couple of clarifications from the comments section (RUS):

I rang in the New Year together with the rest of the republic - by the fir tree in Grozny. Just five hours before the New Year's, however, I was sure that I'd sleep through this whole thing because of a sudden blackout in our apartment (and in the one below). I'd already been through the experience of having our electricity shut off and I understood that we'd be able to fix it no sooner than in a week. But they restored power in an hour and we set off for the [New Year's festivities] with clear conscience. Here are the results of my expedition.

[three photos]

***

5_513:

Were fireworks and firecrackers allowed?

timur_aliev:

I don't know whether they were allowed, but they were there alright...

mgtverskoy:

Great photos. Everything's decorated beautifully. [...]

timur_aliev:

Yes, but these are the most decorated areas, of course... [...]

mgtverskoy:

Decoration of the whole city is a matter of time. It'll happen soon.

varfolomeev66:

Wow, it looks like life in Chechnya is indeed getting better :)
Everything looks very cute on the photos.

timur_aliev:

Life, of course, isn't really the way it appears on the photos (I've deliberately picked the brightest ones), but still, it is improving :))

Russia: Xenophobia Blogging

Global Voices Online
Tuesday, January 15, 2008


There seems to be more and more posts on xenophobia in the Russian blogosphere - and many are written by xenophobes.

A recent example of this type of blogging is LJ user holmogor's Dec. 31 report (RUS) from Moscow - which has received 1,884 reader comments:

THEM

I found myself at Red Square today.
And was horrified.
THEY were at the square.
THEY alone.
Lonely white faces in this crowd were all but inconspicuous.
[...]
They were walking around lazily, in groups of six-seven people, taking pictures of each other with their cell phones.
My first wish was to ask: "Who has organized this rising?"
But then I realized that it was not organized by anyone.
THEY were just having a day off.
And THEY decided to go to the place THEY are familiar with.
And it turned into a real flash mob - hundreds of Tajik, Uzbek, Kyrgyz faces, small groups of young guys, aged 18 to 30.
They lacked any bold aggression of the [Caucasus natives], it wasn't that but their calm multitude that was so impressive...

And I became scared.
For the first time, this scene at Red Square got me truly scared.
I know that THEY want to eat, live and work.
I know that not too long ago the capital of our Motherland was the capital of THEIR Motherland, too.
I know that for THEM, the New Year arrives when the clock at the Kremlin tower strikes 12.
But...
As A. I. Fursov wrote beautifully, "Yes, they are oppressed, hungry and miserable. But if they come to us, they'll turn into ordinary robbers. And if we are weak, they'll take away our space and resources: the weak ones get beaten."
And for this, not even a knife or a knuckles is needed.
In order to take away space, it sometimes suffices to simply occupy it.
Today I've seen how THEY did it.
And it should be noted that they don't mean any evil.
What will happen tomorrow?


***

There are, of course, posts about xenophobes and their fears out there, too.

On Jan. 7, Grozny-based LJ user timur-aliev posted this reflection (RUS) on how Chechnya and its people are perceived online:

In 1999, I got online for the first time. And, perhaps like any newbie, I got addicted to chats and ICQ. I remember spending much time at chat.ru. There were more or less the same people there, with more or less the same nicknames. I doubt I'll remember any now, except for one - stasya ([...] I even wonder if she's got a blog of her own now).

I can't say I befriended everyone there, but our interaction was friendly enough, that's for sure. They were mildly interested in Chechnya. But this interest wasn't negative or openly aggressive. Here's an example of one such dialog (to be honest, I sometimes took advantage of their not being able to check my words and made fun of them, but in the end, of course, I used to confess I was joking):

- Where are you from?
- From Grozny.
- And how are things over there?
- Okay. Only too hot. And there's some shooting.
- Why are they shooting?
- Oh, it's at the stadium nearby. They've scored a goal.
- But why are they shooting?
- It's the fans. Because they are happy about the goal.
- Wow. Does everyone have a machine gun? Everyone including the football players?
- Yes, only they've left them in their lockers.
- Does the referee have a gun, too?
- Of course. It's important for him to have one.
- Do you have a gun, too?
- Yes, it stands next to my computer.
- And where do you keep your gun when you're asleep?
- Under my bed...
- Well, poor you...

Et cetera... The point is, there was more sympathy in their tone than accusation. And I remember that after the blasts in Volgodonsk and Moscow, some wrote me that they didn't believe it had been done by someone from Chechnya.

And now I sometimes run into people in LJ who are [extremely angry] about Chechnya and the Chechens.

It turns out that they changes in perception have occurred in these few years - from 1999 to 2000-something.


Below is one of the exchanges from the comments section, between timur-aliev and his reader:

reader59:

It does not mean anything. In eight years, there has been a tenfold increase in the [Russian internet users], and at the same time, the average level of intellect has fallen almost proportionally.

timur_aliev:

But I don't think that there's a direct correlation between one's intellectual and the way one perceives other communities.

reader59:

It's something of a scientific fact. Quite easily explained: a person is afraid of the unknown and the incomprehensible. The higher the intellectual level, the fewer things that one does not understand, and the higher the educational level, the fewer things one does not know. Hence, the higher the level of education and intellect, the fewer phobias one has. Including xenophobias.

timur_aliev:

This is how I used to think, too... But even in the LJ, I see people who are quite educated but with a very high level of xenophobia...

reader59:

I was talking about education AND intellect. They aren't interchangeable. No matter how long you try to teach a fool something, he's not going to become smarter: he'll just know more.

timur_aliev:

This is true.

Russia: Voting in Grozny

Global Voices Online
Sunday, December 16, 2007


According to the Central Election Commission's data (RUS), over 99 percent of Chechnya's 580,918 eligible voters showed up for the Dec. 2 parliamentary election - and 99.36 percent of them voted for Vladimir Putin's United Russia party.

According to Reuters, "this was the highest vote for Putin anywhere in Russia, where overall turnout was 62 percent and just over 64 percent of votes were cast for United Russia."

Journalist Timur Aliev - LJ user timur-aliev - wasn't just a voter in this election; he also ran as a candidate for the Union of Right Forces (SPS), a party that came in third in Chechnya, receiving 449 votes (0.08 percent).

Below is Timur's somewhat surreal account (RUS) of what it took to exercise his right to vote in Chechnya's capital Grozny.

The problem with voting for me was that I lived at one address, but was registered at my old address - in the building where the federals from the commandant's office live now. In other words, it was not clear to me where my current polling station was.

I took a taxi, and we began our search. The first obstacle was that the central street was blocked and it was impossible to get to "[Minutka]" directly from the city center. And so we spent about 20 minutes driving around side streets, before we reached my home neighborhood.

We didn't find the polling station where it used to be - and it wasn't at the children's hospital or the prosecutor's office, either. We tried to drive slowly, looking for some [local election committee]'s sign. But in vain.

We tried to search in another part of the neighborhood. We got to Lenin [Avenue] again. School #46 was our next stop. No one there as well. But the guard suggested that we drive over to school #25.

So we went to the very beginning of Lenin [Avenue] - that's basically the city's edge. There was nothing there, a wasteland where the school used to be - and I didn't even know about it, been too long since I was in this area last. We asked the passerby where school #25 was. They waved - and we, following their directions, drove along the narrow, dirty streets. Then we found it - the school was located in the former kindergarten building. And the polling station was there, too.

Inside, there were surprisingly many people - about 7-10 people were crowding around the table with voters' lists. Three of them had arrived right before us, in a Volga. Later I realized they were observers from the CPRF [Communist Party], they were there to let the election committee's officials know that they'd need the protocols, but they were voting there as well.

I glanced through the list of streets whose residents were supposed to vote at this very polling station. My street wasn't there, but the neighboring ones were. I asked the people sitting at the table. One of them turned out to be the head of the [local election committee], and he recognized me and said: "a-a, he is a frequent guest at our TV." He asked if I were a lawyer - because of my very knowledgeable performance during the debates - and wished me good luck, saying - we need people like this at the Duma. I gave him a vague 'hmm' in response.

They handed down the lists to me, so that I could search for my name in them. But I wasn't there. Moreover, of all the buildings that used to stand on our street, there was only one present on the list - the first one. The rest of the people weren't listed. I asked them where they got these data from. From the administration, they'd given it to us, replied one of the committee's members. That is, what happened is that the residents of only one building out of 45 on our relatively short streets had been added to the voters' lists. Even if barely anyone lived there [physically] - but these people hadn't changed their registration addresses, hoping to receive compensation, and they all still live in Grozny - I had seen practically all of them. But still, they were not listed.

Finally, they entered me on the additional voters' list - I was #15 there. I filled in the ballot, and we moved on (but that's a different story).

After some time, as we were driving through "Minutka," I saw yet another man who had voted at our polling station. He was waiting for a [bus] to take him to the center, which meant that he, just like myself, had come over specifically for the vote.

Here's what's interesting - even if I still lived at my old address, would I feel like searching so intensely for my polling station, considering I didn't have a stake in it and it was a 40-minute walk in the mud away (in the Soviet times, one could get there using public transportation - about five stops with one transfer). I doubt it.

But it turns out people have not been deterred - judging by the official results, they all showed up for the vote. Though, to be fair, it should be noted that with the way they were recording voters in the ruined Grozny, when it's not clear where anyone lives, it wouldn't be an impossible thing to show a 200-percent turnout, by including those additional voters' lists, too.

Russia: Schools in Chechnya

Global Voices Online
Sunday, June 3, 2007


LJ user kunstkamera (journalist Yulia Vishnevetskaya) visited Chechnya last month, wrote a magazine article (RUS) about the trip and posted photos on her blog. Amazing photos - as always (see here, here, here, and here for kunstkamera's earlier work).

Chechen journalist and blogger Timur Aliev (LJ user timur_aliev) commented on kunstkamera's 44 photos of Chechnya's rural schools:

great shots again... thank You... this indeed is the real Chechnya...


LJ user safiullin didn't seem convinced, however:

It's okay. In Russia, almost any village school looks like this. There are places that are even worse. And there's never been any war there.


To which timur_aliev responded:

but this doesn't make it any less outrageous...


Here's part of what kunstkamera wrote (RUS) about Chechnya's schools (the post contains some more photos):

[...]

In four days, we've seen 22 schools in four mountainous districts. That's a lot. As a result, most schools have merged in my mind into one cold space with white-blue walls, embellished with numerous portraits of Kadyrov as well as his aphorisms. Who is hanging all this? "Well, try not to!" - is the school principals' reply. But it's still not clear why even those building that have been restored after the war have this impenetrably Soviet look about them: what does it take to, say, paint the walls some other color? Some of these schools were exemplary, reconstructed and with playgrounds, and others were really gloomy, with barely any life left in them. At most, the main complaint was the lack of staff: "If we could provide accommodation, teachers would be coming here," we were told at the [regional government's education department]. "They say Kadyrov has brought Russian teachers to his native [Tsentoroi], pays them 15,000 [rubles a month, or about $600], provides guards for them, and they work. And our budget allows 2-3 thousand [rubles a month, or roughly $100]." It often happens that one teacher holds lessons in two classes simultaneously: gives an assignment to one group of students - and walks over to the other. In almost all schools the foreign language taught is Arabic. As a rule, the teacher of Arabic also teaches extracurricular classes on the Quran and ethics classes, during which he tells students about Chechen traditions. In one of the schools in [Vedeno] district, an imam made a stove with his own hands. In some Chechen schools, there are psychologists - and as a rule, they are truly involved with the children.

[...]

These is, perhaps, all that differentiates [Chechen schools] from the average Russian ones. Though, the situation in different localities is not the same and much depends on the condition of the village and the villagers' eagerness to build new life there. In the village of Ushkaloi, for instance, the school is squeezed into the teacher's small house, and in a neighboring village, just a few kilometers away, there's a huge building equipped with a dozen of computers - but there's no one to study there: most of the residents left for the plain with their children. The school's principal, a tired elderly woman with fatigue in her eyes, tells us how a female student of her school was killed by shrapnel, and how they had classes inside army tents, and how she, the principal, was taken away to be shot and the kids followed her - "They were crying, tearing at my skirt, and I was telling them: Don't be afraid, dyadya ["an uncle" - but also "a man" - if you're talking to a child] will show you the fireworks now." Everyone was let go only thanks to some commander's good will.

[...]

We are trying to get the principal tell us how it is possible to help this school. "We don't need anything. Put up a metal fence, because our wooden one keeps being overturned by cows."

[...]

For me, the smell of Chechnya is the smell of burning garbage. It feels as if there's a permanent [subbotnik] going on in this republic.

That day, at almost every school, they were telling us: "We've let the children go to a subbotnik." But they somehow forgot about it in the village of Gansolchu, and the children were studying as usual. They in general pay more attention to private life here, rather than to the state affairs. The principal's whole family is here, in one way or another: his wife and his elder son teach math here, the younger son studies here, the daughter is finishing the 11th grade and will sooner or later end up here [teaching] as well. Instead of the scary electrical bell, they have a rather pleasant-sounding little bell. The school's layout also emphasizes family atmosphere: two tiny buildings, a teachers' room in one and two classrooms in the other, each divided into two. The guard lives here as well, he's the owner of these two little houses. "It costs 3,000 [rubles a month, $120] in rent, this money should be paid by [the local government's education department], but they haven't paid in two years already. But he's not going to throw us out, because then he'd lose his job as a guard - and that's 2,000 [rubles a month, $80]," says the school's principal, Zelimkhan Jabaev.

The school's old building, like the majority of the houses in this villages, is completely destroyed. In 2002, after the elderly principal and the school's guard were killed one night, 16 families left Gansolchu all at once. Soon, the rest of the residents left, too. The village stood empty for eight months. During that time, the houses that had been left intact by their owners, were destroyed as well. Some think that the army was shooting at the empty village, to prevent anyone from returning, others believe that soldiers have just dissembled the houses to have construction materials. "There was an old man here, he really didn't want to leave, was the last one to go, was crying," says the principal's wife Esita. "Then he found the rest of us on the plain and tried to convince us to return. He was a very good person, everyone liked him to be their guest. We lived in [Gudermes] district. Everyone was homesick there, only women had jobs. And then Akhmad Kadyrov promised to help return to the mountains. This old man gathered everyone, we went to the administration and asked a battalion for protection of the village. And so we went back. This old man, when he saw that his house had been destroyed, had a heart attack and died two days later."

[...]

"When we returned, we at first used to follow the cattle - we were afraid of landmines," the Gansolchu school principal continues. All schoolchildren in Chechnya have been taught anti-landmine rules - in every school, there are posters with dogs and hedgehogs that keep away from unknown objects. But they still don't venture far into the forest, they even gather firewood close to home. And when they go to gather cheremsha [wild garlic, ramsons], they go in groups - if one person gets hurt on a landmine, the others will carry him out.

There are 72 students in this school - classes take place in three shifts. There are no teachers of chemistry, physics and Russian. Other teachers teach these subjects. "How is that possible? They aren't familiar with the subject, are they?" - "It's okay, they'll read the textbook and then retell it to the children." The principal teaches informatics on the only computer that the school has, and he also teaches labor and PE classes. He teaches boys of up to the 6th grade agricultural skills, and from the 7th to the 9th - construction, and the oldest ones he teaches driving his own car. No foreign language classes. "We used to have the teacher of Arabic, but he was arrested. Then he was let go, but chose not return here." [...] Above the stove, there's a mirror, and above it, a moving sign: "Teacher! Look at yourself. Smile! And go to class."

[...]

Russia: Namesakes

Global Voices Online
Wednesday, April 11, 2007


Stepping away from the drama and farce of Ukrainian politics, here is a story about namesakes (RUS), posted by Chechen journalist Timur Aliev (LJ user timur_aliev, editor-in-chief of The Chechen Society newspaper, and the Chechnya editor of the Institute for War and Peace Reporting):

Myself and Other Timurs Alievs

Five or six years ago, I search my name in [Yandex] for the first time and was surprised to learn that I, or, to be more precise, Timur Aliev "escaped from prison where he had been serving a life sentence for a terrorist act and pension funds embezzlement"!!!

Turned out that this "fame" belonged to my complete namesake from [Dagestan]. A couple years later, I met this person's former classmate, and he shared the details of this Timur Aliev's eventful life. I don't remember what happened to him next, but I do remember how I feared going through checkpoints for a while - after all, they could've mistaken us. Though our place and year of birth were different.

In addition to this, there are plenty of Timurs Alievs in the world. Two of them have already "suffered" because of me. And I've managed to meet them both in person.

One lives in [Makhachkala], and he turned out to be a journalist, too, working for the local paper Chernovik ("The Rough Draft") and for the Caucasusian Knot site. After one of my comments to BBC on the situation in Dagestan, he got a call from the local cops, who told him something like, "What do you think you're doing, bastard?" They ignored his attempts to convince them that it wasn't him who was doing it: they called and threatened him a few more times again. He ended up changing his last name to Isaev - which is also kind of funny, because my wife's last name happens to be Isaeva. In any case, his current byline is Timur Isaev and it looks like everything's okay. Last year we did a seminar in Makhachkala and my namesake was there. I came up to meet him, but I can't say he was particularly happy about it.

The other Timur Aliev works as a driver at the UNHCR office in [Vladikavkaz] and [Nazran]. I met him just a few weeks ago [...]. He came up to me himself. Turned out that he often gets phone calls from journalists from CNN, BBC and other media, asking him to comment on this or that situation in Chechnya and the Caucasus. He tells them right away: "I'm not the Timur Aliev you're looking for." I said that from now on he should be providing comments on behalf of Timur Aliev. After all, there are times when I cannot be reached - and this way I could effortlessly increase my quotability :)

Once, my friend and colleague was a Timur Aliev - he told me that himself. He wrote some pretty tough article for a federal paper and signed it with a pseudoname. But it was a pseudonym for him - while for me it was my own name.

And once, I caught a mention of yet another Timur Aliev - a mafioso from [Tashkent] (as they wrote in the article). But I didn't understand who he was exactly and what he was known for - because the article was written in the Uzbek language.

Periodically, various Timurs Alievs can be found in Google and Yandex. Some of them make good fish kebabs, others studied in [Dushanbe] and are now being looked for by classmates, and one is a member of the weightlifting team at the Far East. One Timur Aliev is known for "the really high flies on the quarterbacks" - whatever that is. And another one has a street in [Baku] named after him - the embassy of Poland in Azerbaijan is located there.

But the second most frequently quoted Timur Aliev (after me) is the one working as Skoda representative in Russia. He is constantly commenting on something to the press, and every once in a while, new photos of him appear on the web, along with the photos of new Skoda cars.

Anyway, there are many of us, Timurs Alievs. But I don't think that knowing this will allow me to make any practical use of it. And I'm not even sure what's better - to have a unique name or the one that's typical and is used a lot?


Strange enough, but this apolitical post has stirred a bit of a political discussion, albeit humorous - about the upcoming presidential election in Russia and Vladimir Putin's potential (and still unnamed) successor:

erpert: You've raised the most relevant today's issue! Imagine if either [Ivanov] or [Medvedev] becomes Russia's next president? What would happen if some crazy Ivanov starts giving orders as the Supreme Commander?

[...]

And if all Russian Sergeis Ivanovs and Dmitrys Medvedev's start giving interviews to the media - the world would go nuts!

timur_aliev: This can't be allowed... Lets not allows Ivanov and Medvedev to run for president... :)) [Zhirinovksy] would've fit well in this context, by the way... :))

Russia: Who is "Maria Ivanova"?

Global Voices Online
Saturday, March 17, 2007


On March 11, the Sunday Times ran a piece by Sarah Baxter and Anna Voutsen on the recent attacks against critics of Vladimir Putin's regime. It opened with the story of a Russian journalist who has allegedly received political asylum in the United States following several attempts on her life, including two cases of severe poisoning. She is described as "the award-winning journalist, an expert on the Caucasus region" and is assigned a fictitious name in the piece, Maria Ivanova:

Ivanova is not the journalist’s real name. Until she leaves Russia she will not feel safe enough to be identified. “I live in fear,” she said in her first interview about her illness. “I feel trapped and constantly threatened by the security services.”


Needless to say, the Russian media and a number of Russian bloggers became eager to find out who was being concealed behind the pseudonym, and this, unfortunately, seems to have hurt an innocent person.

Timur Aliev - LJ user timur_aliev, editor-in-chief of The Chechen Society newspaper, the Chechnya editor of the Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR) - has devoted four posts (RUS) to this issue:

March 11, 2007

I'm looking through [what my LJ friends are writing]. Many are feverish to learn who this mysterious Maria Ivanova is.

[...]

Everyone's guessing whether it's [journalist Yulia Latynina], or [Marina Litvinovich, LJ user abstract2001, editor-in-chief of the Truth of Beslan - PravdaBeslana.ru - website], or some other person. All assume this must be someone from Moscow. And I think this is very typical and says a lot on how little people in Russia know about the Caucasus. No, of course, there is Chechnya and Kadyrov, there's the tragedy of Beslan and the siege of Nalchik - everyone knows about these topics. But even our journalistic colleagues in Moscow do not know about the problems their colleagues in the Caucasus are facing.

I guess I know this journalist. But I'm not going to make my guess public here. The Brits must have had their reasons to rename her - what if publicity hurts her.

***

sorex: And now the poor one will have to [live a quiet, miserable life] together with [Meskhetian Turks] and other outcasts. Meanwhile, everyone in the civilized world knows that the FSB has got long hands. They can pour polonium into her tea in the USA, too.

timur_aliev: She's an active person and is definitely not going to live quietly... But it's true that she'll have to be careful while drinking her tea...

hippy55: Your sarcasm would've been appropriate if the journalist's life was under minimal threat. They were laughing at Politkovskaya's tea poisoning, too, until that very polonium became a reality. Poor country, if journalists are fleeing it.

sorex: Is it only the journalists that are fleeing this poor country? There are plenty of economic refugees as well. Many of them pretend to be political.

Anonymous: If journalists work for foreign intelligence, and do harm to their country in every way possible, do everything for the sake of the salaries paid by their foreign sponsors, then they should be jailed for a long time.

hippy55: I'm not arguing. As long as there're facts and a trial has occurred. [A fair trial.]

[...]

gray_weasel: [...] If the journalist is for real, I don't think she needs a pseudonym, because there are enough details in the story that make it possible to find out her real name. Especially, if we are talking of the secret service or others who can do harm. :))) [...]

timur_aliev: Her departure is convenient for the "secret service" - because this is a way to keep her from writing - but it has to happen quietly... And if a scandal breaks out, it won't be convenient for the secret service...

gray_weasel: It's not quiet already, if she has given an interview, or do you think the "secret service" folks don't remember which of the journalists they recently poisoned twice? :) To my mind, there's an obvious contradiction between the journalist's anonymity and the set of real-life details. [...]

timur_aliev: What happened is the Brits simply did [a disservice] to her...

[...]

nav74: Kommersant [newsparer] writes that "Maria Ivanova" is [Fatima Tlisova, editor of the Regnum news agency’s North Caucasus service]. Is this the one you were thinking of? [...] In an interview with Kommersant, Tlisova denies it all, but a Google search definitely points at her.

timur_aliev: Actually, no, she's not the one I meant...


March 12, 2007

Yesterday's attempts to guess who "Maria Ivanova" is have led to a few media piece today.

[...]

Here is what Fatima [Tlisova] responded on Regnum:

"[...] I did not have contact with the Sunday Times journalists. I do indeed plan to spend time at a U.S. university in the nearest future [...]. But the only place where I can imagine my further work is the Caucasus. Who and what stands behind the Sunday Times publication and the persistent attempts to tie it to my name, I do not know."

And they were surprised at the U.S. embassy as well:

The U.S. Embassy has no information on the Russian journalist seeking political asylum in the United States. "We at the embassy were perplexed by information published in the British newspaper the Sunday Times," RIA Novosti were told at the press service of the U.S. Embassy in Moscow.

I did write yesterday that I think I know the identity [of Maria Ivanova], but I wouldn't want to reveal her name because it might hurt her.

And it did happen in the end, even though I was thinking about a different journalist, not Tlisova. Still, this story is going to harm Fatima. I think they'll be giving her real hard time with check-ups now.

Today, I've a feeling that even the journalist I was thinking about has nothing to do with it. And the publication is aimed against Tlisova. It's hard to say who organized it, but still.

Because if you think logically, the British had to understand that after such a publication, this journalist - whoever she is - who is not in the States yet, but in Russia, will not be able to get out of the country. And this is why she couldn't have asked to publish what they did, because it would prevent her from leaving.

***

lisa_dv: How true are these details, Timur?

"Police and secret service officers called Tlisova "a terrorist accomplice" and put out cigarettes on her fingers..."
"After publishing an article on one corrupted officer, a kidnapper of children, this officer came to the newsroom with flowers - and dragged a gun out of the bouquet. The guards managed to prevent the worst from happening." http://www.stringer.ru/Publication.mhtml?Part=48&PubID=7175

timur_aliev: Fatima used to tell lots of horrors about her work - so I think this is 100 percent true...


March 13, 2007, 13:22

The yellow press has started a new thread on Maria Ivanova's case - this time it's the Izvestia newspaper (it hurts to call this newspaper [yellow press], but I have to).

According to their version, "Maria Ivanova" is [Elina Ersenoyeva, a Chechen journalist and activist who was abducted last year and who was reported to have been "a secret bride of Shamil Basayev"].

[...]

The journalist's imagination is enviable. He discards some versions, builds others, without basing them on anything solid. I'd like to see this imaginative guy when Elina's mother was fainting in front of me, begging to help her abducted daughter in some way.

[...]


March 13, 2007, 13:50

What jerks these journalists are. Stringer is writing on "Maria Ivanova - Elina Ersenoyeva" as well:

According to rumors, Elina Ersenoyeva has inherited big money from Basayev, and she can put them to good use in the West, and do her favorite thing at the same time - propaganda against the "bloody regime."

Indeed, how simple it all was: most likely, when she reaches the West, Elina Ersenoyeva will be telling what a wonderful person Basayev was, how he was teaching her to cook borscht, and how she loved him. And Hollywood would buy the rights for a sentimental screenplay on the terrorist's last love affair.


[...]

***

pumchik: I read about Elina in your journal, a long time ago... Please tell me, has she been found?

timur_aliev: Are you kidding?

bratanishe: And where is her mother?

timur_aliev: Disappeared in early October...


***

Anna Voutsen (LJ user voutsen, the Moscow-based co-author of the Sunday Times piece, ended up issuing this "official statement" (RUS) on her blog:

[...] I do not know Maria Ivanova's real name.

But I do know that this person exists for real. And this person's words were quoted with his permission.

Update: Some theater of absurd this is. It has been noted clearly that the "name is not real." If they had brains at least the size of a chicken's ass, they'd guess why. I've no idea why [the hell] Russian journalists had to do all the public guessing of this person's identity. A game of who is better at drowning the other or what?


And in comments to another blogger's post, voutsen wrote this (RUS):

[...] I did not talk to this person, unfortunately, so I can't make any statements.

Still, I know that the conversation was meant to be quoted. On certain conditions, like no names, etc. The person said what he considered necessary and possible. What we obtained - we quoted.

As for the mass guessing out loud whether it's Klava or Fyokla, or maybe even Pyotr Petrovich, I don't get it. [This is mean.] I think that the person who agreed to talk to us definitely didn't expect such meanness from colleagues. [...]

Russia: On Ramzan Kadyrov, Again

Global Voices Online
Thursday, February 1, 2007


At his 3.5-hour annual press conference today, Russian president Vladimir Putin has offered praise for Chechnya's prime minister Ramzan Kadyrov, in response to a young Chechen journalist who pointed out that 70 percent (approx. 770,000 people) of the republic's able-bodied population were unemployed.

Complimenting Kadyrov seems to have become somewhat of a trend here. Recently, another Chechen journalst, Timur Aliev - LJ user timur_aliev, editor-in-chief of The Chechen Society newspaper, the Chechnya editor of the Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR) - has noted (RUS) that Kadyrov does deserve some praise. (This is the second translation of timur_aliev's thoughts on the controversial 30-year-old Chechen leader; the first one was posted on Global Voices on Sept. 15, here.)

And again about him, Ramzan Kadyrov

I'm reading the news on Yandex. With Chechnya, there's only one topic - the possible change of [Chechnya's president Alu Alkhanov] for someone else. Either for Vakhayev, or, skipping him, for Ramzan. What's basically is the same piece of information is being repeated over and over again.

I don't understand one thing - where's the sensation here? Did anyone ever doubt that Kadyrov would become president? And even if he wouldn't, what's going to change because of it? He is doing a lot for the republic as prime minister, too. He's extremely popular. Though sometimes he gets criticized - but what government doesn't?

It reminds me of my teenage years, when my friends and I were thinking what we would do if we suddenly became presidents. And our thoughts then weren't too different from what Ramzan is doing now. Just like him, we were suggesting pretty utopian things: to build this and that, to force ministers and bureaucrats to do their work. The only difference is that we were only talking about it, and Ramzan is actually doing it. Whether he's successful is a different issue. But it looks like he is. Shamil Beno found a rather precise label for him: "an effective military-political manager." [...] Regardless of whether Ramzan becomes president or not, nothing is going to change for the republic.

Is anything going to change for Russia? Not likely, either. The Kremlin solves most of the problems through Ramzan.

Of course, it's possible to understand Ramzan as a human being. He must be thinking like this: "Here I am, working hard, having arguments, negotiating with the Kremlin, with the rebels, standing up for the city, finding the money, and journalists are criticizing me and, moreover, citing [Alu Alkhanov] as an example to follow - when it should be the opposite - because I work more than he does." So, in principle, it's possible to understand Ramzan. Purely as a human being. And what they are writing about sovereignty or that Ramzan will go off into the forest - that's nothing but fairy tales.


In the comments to this post (RUS), the discussion touches upon Anna Politkovskaya, the slain journalist who, among other things, used to be one of Ramzan Kadyrov's harshest critics. (Two Global Voices translations dealing with Politkovskaya's murder are here and here; also, at the end of January, the New Yorker and London Review of Books both ran pieces on Putin's Russia that begin with Politkovskaya's death.)

uliana: [...] How is Chechnya doing without Politkovskaya?

timur_aliev: Many people remember her. One of the women [who stopped by at our office] today was telling about how Politkovskaya was writing about her son.

uliana: Does it mean that Ramzan has adopted Politkovskaya role, only at the state level [...]?

timur_aliev: Not exactly, because Politkovskaya was voicing a problem, served as one of the forms of feedback - for officials, among others... Now Ramzan has learned about these complaints - maybe from the press, maybe from letters, and he has reacted - at his level...

uliana: As far as I understand, there's a stream of complaints. It used to flow towards Politkovskaya, and then she did whatever she could - either voicing the problems, or finding donors. And nowthe stream has moved towards Ramzan and you [the Chechen Society newspaper], as you're saying... [...] Is it visible in Grozny that Ramzan looks as threatening to Russia as [Dzhokhar Dudayev] and [Aslan Maskhadov] did?

timur_aliev: No, the stream has been flowing towards Ramzan for long enough - for the past year and a half, perhaps... But it's difficult to get through to him, so they turn to the press instead, including us... [...] Those who analyze the Russian press and various internet reports, they do see it... But more often people perceive these articles and quotes as anti-Chechen...

uliana: So, he's like a father and those who are against him are the enemy of the whole people... That is, not the whole people, but of those who aren't fighting... Ok, thank you.

timur_aliev: No, of the whole people, indeed.

uliana: Of everyone??? Why are they fighting then?

timur_aliev: Oh, I apologize, I misunderstood you at first - of course, I meant those who aren't fighting.

bbb: What do you think is the percentage of those who aren't fighting [...]? 99, 90, 70? And - how do you define those who are fighting - are they the ones who fight literally, or do you include those who aren't fighting but sympathize with those who are and, under certain circumstances, would be willing to help them?

timur_aliev: It's very difficult to provide the real numbers now - the level of trust is very low - a person may be saying one thing but thinking something else... Besides, at any moment, these figures may change - it all depends on [what's more profitable now]... Perhaps, for now, there's something like 20 percent of those who firmly do not fight and do not sympathize, about 10 percent of those who fight or are dedicated sympathizers, and the rest are those who hesitate.

bbb: Thank you! Of course, the "real" figures do not exist at all, and I was interested in you subjective evaluation.

How would you describe the position of these 20 percent of those who categorically do not fight and do not sympathize - are these the ones who consider breaking away and independence harmful for Chechnya in principle, regardless of whether it is possible? Or are these also the ones who think that [independence] is utterly unrealistic under the current circumstances, and hence, conversations about it are deemed harmful for Chechnya?

And - do I understand you correctly that when we are discussing all these percentages, we mean first of all the Chechen population, noth [ethnic] Russians (if any such remain and/or have returned in noticeable numbers)?

timur_aliev: 20 percent are those who thought from the very beginning that breaking away and independence would harm Chechnya in principle,

and also those who began to think this way after a brief [negative] experience,

and partly those who think it utterly unrealistic under present circumstances, but allow themselves "to wait and see"...

Yes, I do mean the [ethnic] Chechen population.

[...]

kiveretsky: Timur. My father spent six years in Stalin's camps for an insignificant short story. He is 82 now. He keeps shaking his head and saying = how good it was in the times of Stalin. Like, what a strong person he was! And you have reminded me of papa with this post... Has made me sad...

[...]

timur_aliev: I feel sad, too - and that's why I write...

Russia: Sorry State of North Caucasus Journalism

Global Voices Online
Wednesday, January 3, 2007


Timur Aliev - LJ user timur_aliev, editor-in-chief of the print/online weekly Chechen Society (Chechenskoye Obshchestvo) and the Chechnya editor of the Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR) - is involved in a journalism education project that takes him to various parts of the Caucasus, where he conducts seminars to local media professionals. After a recent visit to the capital of Karachay-Cherkess Republic, he concluded (RUS) that "in the North Caucasus, journalism is practically nonexistent." Here's why:

Have returned from Cherkessk - we did a seminar there. Almost got in trouble as we were leaving - all of the city's center was blocked today, but it's good that we lived at the outskirts and managed to drive to the bus station via backyards. The guys, though, were stopped at this very bus station - taken to the cops' room and ordered to write an explanation of what they were doing in Cherkessk. My [...] press card saved me from having to help the cop pretend that he was being alert - for some reason, I doubt that he really was looking for criminals. Anyway, we got out and reached home okay.

The seminar turned out to be rather exhausting. There were only two of us to conduct it, and it turned out to be quite a laborious task.

During the round table that we did prior to the seminar, I suggested that we discuss which form of journalism was the most popular in the North Caucasus - [interactive] civic journalism, informational (traditional), post-Soviet or some other form. And I suggested that we talk on whether this form of journalism suits our needs, and if not, then what does.

But everyone ended up sharing their "pain" - lack of access to information, censorship, etc. A discussion didn't work out. We only determined that because of the information access problems, it's difficult to do informational journalism, and because society is passive, feedback is almost never received. That's why we decided that, with some exceptions, journalism everywhere in the North Caucasus is Soviet [in style]. And when we talked about future prospects, one [participant] suggested that we should start [hiding the meaning] between the lines [as they often did in the Soviet times]. Wonderful.

All in all, we've realized that North Caucasian journalism doesn't exist.

[...]

***

morozov_ilya_s: "with some exceptions, journalism everywhere in the North Caucasus is Soviet [in style]." I'm sorry, Timur, but what (or who) are these "exceptions"?

timur_aliev: Journalists who were there were speaking mainly for their own publications. And from their stories it became clear, for example, that the work of the Daghestani Free Republic newspaper is based on feedback. They put an emphasis on this from the very start - every section editor lists his phone number and email address in the newspaper, so that readers could send in the news or at least complain.

And I stopped being a trainer for a while and told them that initially I saw the Chechen Society as a newspaper working in the genre common to British papers - news analysis, features, commentary and that's it.

In both of these cases, there are some achievements.

And the rest of them were saying that [their editors] demand that it's crucial to have a thought and their own opinion, even in straight news items.


Here's another thought (RUS) on the freedom of speech and journalism in the North Caucasus:

Newspapers in national languages have more freedom

Another conclusion that our Cherkessk round table participants have reached: newspapers in national languages have more freedom.

First, not many people control them - because they are not widely read - because not many controllers understand what's written in them. It gets funny sometimes - they are asking the newspapermen themselves to summarize what's written.

Second, there is always someone who's ready to provide or leak information on certain topics, in order to help the newspaper in their native language - as opposed to newspapers in other national tongues.

Both statements refer both to the [Karachay-Cherkess Republic] and the [Kabardino-Balkar Republic].

***

sorex: And Internet journals have even more freedom.

timur_aliev: Tha't true...

Russia: Caucasus Hatreds, and Peace

Global Voices Online
Wednesday, December 13, 2006


The First Chechen War began twelve years ago, in December 1994; the Second Chechen War followed five years later. Still, Chechnya remains part of the Russian Federation.

Timur Aliev - LJ user timur_aliev, a native of Grozny, an ethnic Chechen, a journalist, editor-in-chief of The Chechen Society newspaper, the Chechnya editor of the Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR) - muses (RUS) on why it is possible that after all the suffering and bloodshed of the recent years, Chechens and Russians manage to continue to co-exist; in his musings, timur_aliev reaches well beyond the issue of the Russo-Chechen relationship and, among other things, touches upon a largely ignored issue of the Ingush-Ossetian confrontation:

Why Chechens and Russians do not hate each other

Went to [the capital of the Republic of North Ossetia-Alania] [Vladikavkaz] the other day. Stayed there [...] till it got dark - till 5:30 pm. Came to the bus station - turned out there were neither marshrutkas [mini-buses], now taxis left. Asked one of my local friends to order a taxi for me, but only to the checkpoint at the border with [Ingushetia] - no taxi driver agrees to go further.

The taxi arrived, we set out [to the border]. I got to know the driver - an ethnic Georgian from Kazbeg district, works in Ossetia, as there's nothing to do in the mountains in winter. I offered him to take me to [Ingushetia's former capital Nazran]. He agreed, called the headquarters on his portable radio transmitter, to find out how much he should charge for this trip. They asked him if he was sick of being alive that he was going to Ingushetia. One of the taxi drivers from that company must've heard the conversation and offered advice: they were taking 5,000 rubles [about $200] for a trip like this yesterday (a totally inappropriate price - normally, cab drivers from the bus station charge 350-400 rubles [about $15] for this trip, and a marshrutka ride would have cost 20 rubles [less than a dollar]). My driver smiles and comments: "Ossetians are scared to take this trip, and me, I don't care."

He ended up getting me off [...] at the border with Ingushetia, though - the company's bosses categorically refused to let him cross, fearing that the cops in Ingushetia would take away his unregistered radio transmitter.

Same situation with cab drivers in Ingushetia, when you're trying to go to Ossetia. All cab companies refuse to take you to the airport outside Beslan, for example. So one has to get to that same checkpoint [...], pass it on foot, and hitchhike from there. [...] Every time a trip to the Beslan airport turns into a big headache. Taxi drivers from Ingushetia either refuse to go there [...] - "we don't go there after the events" (meaning the Beslan school siege) - or ask too much money.

Having visited [Armenia's capital Yerevan] recently, I learned that they have the same situation there. As a rule, Armenians don't go to Azerbaijan, and Azeris don't go to Armenia. One Azeri friend from [Azerbaijan's capital Baku] told me that when he was visiting Yerevan, they were giving him bodyguards, one or two special services agents who are following him everywhere.

I've been thinking it all over: these people have a really long negative memory. [...] It would seem that Chechens, after the last two wars, should be [avoiding] Russia completely, and Russians should be [staying away] from Chechnya. But this isn't the case. Quite the opposite. You could run into a Chechen at the most unexpected places in Russia, and many Russians are going to [Chechnya's capital Grozny], either with pleasure, or with curiousity.

Why is this happening? Have the cultures become too common after years of Soviet cohabitation? I don't think so. For example, Ingushs and Ossetians share a lot of last names, and I often notice many similarities in their behaviour. But the confrontation between them does exist.

Or is it because Chechnya - and, above all, Grozny - used to be multinational? Again, I'm not sure - before the conflict, there were plenty of Armenians living in Baku and quite a number of Azeris in Yerevan. And what do they have now?

I think it has to do with the mentalities of Chechens and Russians. They probably share some mildness of character, we can't remember the evil done to us for too long. Peacefulness and good-neighbourliness - this, no matter how overused the terms are, is what allows us to live next to each other and visit each other.

Many might not agree with me. And explain it some other way. Along the lines of "it's profitable to people, that's why they behave the way they do." Like, Chechens go to Russia to make money, and Russians go to Chechnya for the same reason, only they have orders to do so. And that on the surface, we pretend to be cordial towards one another, but inside, there is hatred. Perhaps, it is true to some extent. But I know many people of different ethnicities all over the world, and more than anyone else, I know Russians and Chechens. I interact with people and I can tell the truth from hypocrisy. And I see - there is no hatred inside us, but a desire to live, live [life to its fullest] - openly, lightly, joyfully, generously. And this aspiration isn't giving us time [...] to hate and fear. We're too busy with other things.


Below are some comments and some of timur_aliev's responses - generalizations and attempts to avoid generalizations:

[...]

hippy55: [...] In general, the attitude [towards Chechens] is negative. Like the attitude towards cops, actually: in general, they are [scorned], but if you know one closely, he's an ordinary guy, just like you are. [2006 ethnic tensions in the town of Kondopoga] have shown that it's not the specific offender that becomes the enemy, but a whole nation. Or even race. The Germans weren't born fascists, and a Russian person wasn't born Soviet: a leader appeared who [allowed] the disturbances to go ahead, and that's it - a human being disappears.

piligrim: [...] It's hard for me to talk about what and who causes you to hate "in general" and "in particular" - but in my circles, there is no hatred towards cops or Chechens. Neither to the occupation, nor to an ethnic group, nor to any other group. [...] A specific person is judged, not those social groups he belongs to. As for Kondopoga, the enemy there wasn't "a nation in general," but a very specific group of people.

hippy55: [...] I agree on Kondopoga: yes, not a whole nation, but in general ALL Caucasus natives.

[...]

piligrim: As for lack of trust toward Chechens, this, I guess, is because they (you) have very strong [tribal] ties. That is, some Aslan may be a decent and law-abiding citizen, but there's always a chance that among his numerous relatives there's a criminal that he will never surrender, and in some cases will have to help him in some illegal business, because of the familial relationship.

By the way, Timur, a while ago, an interview with a [Chechen journalist and former NTV host] Aset Vatsuyeva was being widely discussed here. She said that even when she lived in Moscow, she'd never consider marrying a Russian, because it's a great shame for a Chechen woman. Leaving her personal life aside, how common is this point of view in the Chechen society?

timur_aliev: [...] [not tribal] but familial relationships. There won't be a [preferential] attitude like this towards a relative three times removed, that's for sure. But it depends on a specific person, of course.

I do remember this interview. I remember it being read in Grozny, too. I think that the absolute majority of [Chechens] supports her view. This isn't even something to be discussed [among them].

piligrim: That is, not hatred, but contempt towards Russians is widespread among Chechens?

timur_aliev: No, it's more complex... Men do get married to women of other ethnicities... There used to be cases when men from other ethnic groups were accepted in the Chechen society - they were married to Chechen women... It's more of a fear to lose a member of society - a woman, when she marries someone outside her ethnic group, unlike a man, leaved her society almost completely... while a man draws more members into it...

[...]

avrom: Armenians and Azeris, Ingushs and Ossetians - they are fighting as equals. Same weight category.

[...]

bratanishe: Your words are made of gold! I have many Chechen friends and there are no problems. But what's happening in Ingushetia and Ossetia is really a nightmare. And it seems to me that it's not Ossetians who take the initiative. Hatred seems to be manic, like some disease. [...]

timur_aliev: I have many friends among Ossetians and even more among Ingushs... This is why this situation is making me very sad...

bratanishe: Maybe it's because people have nothing to do in Ingushetia - there are no jobs. Many aren't used to working in principle. But the situation is horrible. To learn about it, it's enough to read the forum at www.ingushetiya.ru - any topic, even the weather, concludes with [pronouncing Ossetians bad people]. It's scary to read it, when you stop to think what's going on in people's heads. There's a good recipe for getting rid of [such mental nonsense], although it doesn't sound too politically correct: Arbeit macht frei.

[...]

random_2005: It'd be good if this was [the way you described it]. I don't know firsthand what Chechens think of Russians, but it's hard to believe there is no hatred. Maybe I [compare with my own attitudes]. Personally, I have a bad attitude towards Caucasus natives in general, and to Chechens in particular. I admit that some of them may be wonderful people. But in general, when they come to the Russian regions, people from the Caucasus show disrespect and unwillingness to obey local rules and customs. The cult of physical force so popular with the Caucausus people is not accidental and reflects their worldview (the one who is stronger is right). Actually, people from the Caucasus acts like savages here, not like civilized people. There are exceptions, but it doesn't change the general picture. Arrival of the Caucasus natives to the Russian regions is perceived as the aggressive expansion of the criminals - and moreover, the criminals who are ethnically and culturally alien. Chechens seems to me as the people in whom the negative features described above are pronounced to the utmost degree.

timur_aliev: I've come across with quite a few people who acted the way you describe it... but for some reason, I never thought it was because of their ethnicity, but always looked at their age and the certain social groups they belonged to...

[...]

conchis: Too generalized [...] and terminology is too loose. You should be more careful when analyzing "hatred" and avoid using ethnographic stereotypes. If one does an adequate statistical research, I'm afraid the results would be quite gloomy. Both Chechens and Russians, it seems to me, are very vindictive nations. But they are both a very far cry from Ingushs :-) About Russians going to Grozny "with either pleasure or curiousity" - that's a joke, right?

timur_aliev: No one's pretending to be doing a sociological research here - it's just a short commentary... [...] [No, it's not a joke], I know plenty of such people - even in the LJ...

conchis: I welcome your optimism, of course. It seems to me that your perceptions are based on wishful thinking. It'd be nice if life were better than it really is.

Russia: Shamil Basayev Dead

Global Voices Online
Monday, July 10, 2006


Nikolai Patrushev, head of the Russian Federal Security Service (FSB), announced Monday that Shamil Basayev had been killed shortly after midnight in a truck explosion outside a village in Ingushetia.

Timur Aliev (LJ user timur_aliev), editor-in-chief of the print/online weekly Chechen Society (Chechenskoye Obshchestvo), happened to be in Nazran (the capital of Ingushetia until 2000) last night, and below is the translation of his account (RUS) on how he learned about Basayev's death. Although FSB claims that Russia's most wanted man died as the result of a special operation, some people (and bloggers) doubt it.

Has Basayev Been Killed?

[...]

I was spending the night in Nazran tonight and heard a powerful explosion around midnight, and some 15 minutes later, a few shots - singular, automatic.

In the morning, it turns out there are blockposts on many roads in Nazran - traffic police and some others, unidentifiable, wearing masks - and IDs are being checked. I ask what's going on - they tell me a car with rebels and explosives blew up in Ekazhevo. And around the same time I start getting phone calls from various journalist acquaintances from Moscow - hasn't Basayev been killed? I call my friends from ITAR-TASS in Ingushetia - what have been heard in this regard? Not known yet, they say, two rebels of the four killed cannot be identified yet. All this I tell to my Moscow colleagues. But to myself I think: I'll stay in Ingushetia till the evening and see how the situation develops.

Then I get a call from our newsroom in Grozny - they say the FSB people stopped by, were checking us in relation to something (irrelevant to this post), and one of them said that Basayev had been killed in Ingushetia. He was identified by a missing leg (without a prosthesis, by the way), and it looks like a DNA analysis showed a match. Though it's not clear how is it possible to do such an analysis in a couple hours.

But since we've already got burned on this topic once [Basayev had been reported dead a few times before], I decided to wait until the release of official confirmation. And here it is - Patrushev reports on a successful operation.

upd. Patrushev is talking about a successful operation, but it appears that the whole operation was about identifying a one-legged corpse. Moreover, it turns out that Basayev has been driving around next to the federal highway, just like that - and if it hadn't been for an accidental truck blast, he would have continued to.

***

goldyz: They [the Kremlin] are trying to score a few points on the eve of the [G8] summit. IMHO.

timur_aliev: Yes, of course...

realavatar: [...] They were reports recently that Basayev was somewhere in the former Soviet republics...

timur_aliev: Most likely, he transplanted his DNA to someone else and left... :)

vozrozdenie: [...] How popular was Basayev [...] with the Chechens?

timur_aliev: I'd say that with time he was becoming less and less popular. But he definitely did have admirers: radicals always attract young people other radicals...


***

English-language Russia bloggers are also reacting to the news.

TaliaXianne of Something In The Way She Moves waited for the Chechen sources outside Russia to confirm Basayev's death:

Shamil Basayev

is, allegedly, dead... again.

However, as I just told a friend, 'maybe I am in denial, but I do not buy it'. But I told myself earlier, when I first heard the rumours, that I would only believe it when Kavkaz and Zakayev said that it was true. And now they both have. [...]


David McDuff of A Step At A Time is also relying on extraneous sources (and translates some, too):

[...] Update: Now Kavkaz Center has also confirmed the death, following the view that it was the result of a military accident, and not of a "successful special operation" by Russian or Russian-backed forces. [...]


Sean Guillory of Sean's Russia Blog reviews and links to various reports on Basayev's death and its possible causes, notes that this has been "a great week" for Putin - and offers a brief glance at the discussion to come:

Be sure that over the next day or so analysts and commentators will deal with the obvious question: Does Basayev’s death signal the end to the Chechen resistance and the Chechen War?


Vilhelm Konnander cites Nikolai Patrushev on Basayev's plans to disrupt the upcoming G8 Summit:

[...] Basayev was killed while preparing a terrorist attack in Ingusheti capital of Nazran on occasion of the St. Petersburg G8 Summit this week.


He is pessimistic about the effect Basayev's departure is going to have on the future of Chechnya:

Basayev's death will most likely mean little for the conflict. With Moscow-backed Ramzan Kadyrov as leader of Chechnya, criminality as a form of government has been institutionalised. When Kadyrov turns 30 in October, he will most likely succeed puppet president Alkhanov to rule Chechnya without much restraint from Moscow.


Charlie Ganske of Russia Blog recalls Basayev's most horrendous act of terror - the 2004 school siege in Beslan - by posting photos of the victims - and cheers the FSB:

Russia Blog congratulates the Russian security forces for a job well done. We know that Basayev's death is small comfort to the families of his victims, but it is a huge step towards peace and prosperity in the Caucuses and another stinging defeat for the global jihad.

Russia: "Kadyrov is a Human, Too"

Global Voices Online
Friday, September 15, 2006


On October 5, Chechen prime minister Ramzan Kadyrov turns 30, the age at which it would be legal for him to become the republic's president. Although he denies striving for this highest post, some people believe he would get there soon.

Timur Aliev (LJ user timur_aliev), editor-in-chief of the print/online weekly Chechen Society, ruminates (RUS) on how it must feel to be as powerful as Kadyrov, in a country full of people in need. In the same entry, timur_aliev also shares his observations on the state of journalism in Chechnya.

Golden Pen in Chechnya

I've spent half a day today at the Ramzan Hall in Gudermes, at the award ceremony for the journalists who sent their stories to the Golden Pen contest. The event was organized by the [Akhmad Kadyrov] Fund.

From what I saw, there are two themes to consider.

1. The [Best Journalist title] - the Grand Prix of the contest, so to say - was awarded to the guy who works in the [security forces], goes to various detentions and other operations, and periodically films this on camera.

So here's a question: when a policeman who films his own work is called the best journalist - is this the republic's peculiarity or does it reflect contemporary trends (journalist bloggers, etc.)?

2. When the ceremony was over, I was stopped by a woman outside: she asked me to help her talk to Ramzan Kadyrov. She spoke to me with much respect, addressed me as they usually address the elders, though she looked older than I am.

She was telling me about her disabled husband, her ailing child and no money for the most basic things.

We explained to her that we had nothing to do with Ramzan and that it'd be better if she talked to his press service - their people were not far away then. She left.

And it got me thinking - she is one of the many who besiege Ramzan with their requests. There's a constant line of "askers" waiting for him, and they aren't asking him to sign some not very important papers, they are waiting for decisions that would affect the rest of their lives.

How does this change the conscience and behavior of a person who is expected to change the destinies of hundreds of people?

Does he feel their pain, does he begin to suffer together with them? Or did he get used and treats any poor soul as just another beggar? Or does it make him feel almost all-powerful?

***

hippy55: If any policeman, not just a Chechen one, records on video what he does, he will sign a death verdict for himself. Or will lose his job, at least.

If Kadyrov begins to feel someone else's pain, he won't be Kadyrov anymore. [...]

timur_aliev: This policeman received a car for his work...

Kadyrov is a human, too...

[...]

Anonymous: Incredulous... Kadyrov?! Feeling someone else's pain?! Are you sick?

timur_aliev: Kadyrov is a human, too...

[...]

jan_voskresensk: Maybe my question isn't tactful and most likely I've got no right to ask it... but - what is your personal attitude toward Ramzan Kadyrov? I myself live in Ukraine, am interested in Ichkeria's history, and both I and my friends, who share my interests and hobbies, have formed a not very good opinion about this person. So it's interesting to listen to someone who faces those problems and [is affected by] the decisions made by Ramzan.

timur_aliev: It's hard to respond unambiguously - I am, most likely, his opponent, but I can't ignore his achievements...

When I have more time, I'll definitely write about him - especially since the [decisive moment] is approaching - October 5...

jan_voskresensk: And what happens on October 5? I've no clue.

timur_aliev: Ramzan turns 30 years old.

Russian-Language Blogs: Miscellanea (2)

Global Voices Online
Friday, August 25, 2006


Victoria Shcherbina (LJ user saint-autere) reacts to the news of the August 22 TU-154 crash in eastern Ukraine, which killed all 170 people on board, by writing (RUS) about the death of her father - IL-86 navigator Valeriy Shcherbina - in a crash at Moscow's Sheremetyevo four years earlier, on July 28, 2002.

Her post has already received 1,682 comments...

[...] Papa was gone. But he did have a premonition... On July 15, two weeks before the crash, on the 30th anniversary of [my parents'] wedding, when they were at a restaurant, he suddenly began speaking about it, about his death: what would need to be done, how he would like to see it. Mama interrupted him, but he managed to continue with this topic.

It's true that their equipment was on the verge [of collapse]. The crashed IL-86 RA-86060 was made in 1983 and had flown 18,370 hours - and this type of plane can be used for 20 years. Only the so-called human factor was capable of dealing with problems arising in the air, not vice versa, as is commonly believed. How many times he spoke of those problems! One of the scariest episodes happened during the flight over the ocean, from New York, USA, to Shannon, Ireland. It was a miracle that they reached their destination, they did it [manually], because the navigation broke down and they were going blind. He didn't worry for his life, but for the lives of 350 passengers behind him.

He used to say: "I'll go quickly... I'll crash... I'll be shown on TV... Your children will be proud of their heroic grandfather!" And this is what did happen.

He promised to bring mama a bouquet of exactly 30 flowers from Sochi, to celebrate the 30th anniversary of their wedding. They must have been gladioli... Here, they aren't as beautiful, and they are expensive, too...

[...]

I was there, at the site of the air catastrophe, in the fall of 2002... I wanted to see it... By that time, I was prepared to see it. It is so close to the airport. The snow covered all the horror a little and only a modest cross stood over the dug-up part of the field and the forest. The ground still smelled of kerosene, and there were still torn pieces of metal underneath my feet. And above my head, very low, flew the planes... Up and down... I'll never be able to forget this.


Both crashed planes belonged to the St. Petersburg-based Pulkovo Airlines, a company saint-autere has no kind words about:

Do you know what a pilot's life is worth in our country? Because, it turns out, pilots are insured! The whole $3,000 received each family of the dead pilots, regardless of the number of people in these families. And do you know how much the company received for the plane - because it was insured as well? Two million dollars, which is twice as much as the plane's remaining cost. So it's a very profitable business to lose a plane! Well, they also had to pay the pilots' salaries to the relatives, as [the law] requires, but it's incomparably less than the profit they received, isn't it!


A 28-year-old graduate of St. Petersburg State University of Aerospace Equipment, saint-autere goes into a lengthy explanation of the technical issues neglected by Pulkovo Airlines, which may have led to the plane crash that killed her father. She also writes about the biased coverage of the tragedy and her futile attempts to restore justice.

***

LJ user nl (Norvezhskiy Lesnoy, whose blog is rated (RUS) by the Russian search engine Yandex as the 5th most-read blog) comments (RUS) on the coverage of the plane crash and the complex relationship between the mainstream media and bloggers:

[Radio Echo of Moscow], in a story on the TU-154 crash near Donetsk, quotes from this post, attributing to it like this: "as they write in blogs." I remember how some seven years ago, NTV [people] would rather shoot themselves than cite Gazeta.ru as a source, using this formula instead: "as has been reported on the internet" - and Lyokha Andreyev suggested that in response, we should replace our links to NTV with this: "as some chick in the TV set reported..."


A discussion follows on how some LJ users' nicknames are just too obscene, unpronounceable or don't make sense at all to be cited as sources by the "serious" media. Still, according to nl, it's really up to the journalists - and some do deserve praise:

[...] Stories on how it is inhumanly difficult to pronounce urls are as many years old as Sasha Plushchev's [LJ user plushev] recitations of the most [unpronounceable] site addresses on his [radio program] Echonet.


***

A 26-year-old Chechen journalist Elina Ersenoyeva was kidnapped in Grozny on August 17, in broad daylight, and is missing still. Russian online publication Gazeta.ru reported (RUS) that Ersenoyeva, a freelancer for the Chechen Society newspaper and a representative of an HIV/AIDS prevention project, could have been married to Shamil Basayev, allegedly killed by the federal forces in July.

Timur Aliev (LJ user timur_aliev), editor-in-chief of the print/online weekly Chechen Society (Chechenskoye Obshchestvo), writes on his blog (RUS) that the allegations of Ersenoyeva's ties to Basayev only aggravate the already difficult situation :

For the last few days I've been busy with Elina's case more than with anything else. At first, I was answering phone calls and meeting with journalists, telling them what I know about the kidnapping of this female journalist. Simultaneously, I was trying to give some advice to Elina's mother, Rita, who was also constantly calling me and stopping by at the office. The woman was catastrophically helpless - only on the fourth day it turned out that she hadn't yet reported the kidnapping to the [Ministry of Internal Affairs]. We've also helped her to write a letter to the prosecutor's office - she didn't know where it's located. Her husband, from whom she is divorced, was of little use, too - when Rita fainted in our newsroom and a thin intern and I barely managed to drag her to the couch in the office next door, he just stood there and [did nothing], while the girls were calling the ambulance, fanning her with a fan and pouring [a heart medicine] for her.

In general, both parents, instead of [persistently visiting various law enforcement officials], the [Federal Security Service], and getting the relatives involved, kept coming to us - help us, save us, recommend something, find a way for us to meet with [Ramzan Kadyrov]. I told them to visit Elina's primary place of work - the youth affairs committee - because Ramzan loves them, and they'll find a way for [the parents] to meet him. But they [the parents] were saying - no, they won't help.

It's been a couple days, though, since Rita stopped coming. On the first day I thought that maybe it's because the mobile connection was terrible - impossible to reach anyone by phone. Today, however, I received many calls, but not from Elina's mother.

Anyway, I was even more busy today than in the previous days. Reports have appeared that Elina is Basayev's widow. And everyone started contacting us for comments.

At first, it seemed funny to me - to imagine Elina in this role was difficult. She was spending all her time in her youth committee, and even Ramzan stopped by there pretty often, and sometimes Elina wrote something for us, and she attended UNICEF's seminars from the committee - and it seemed she wouldn't have the time to take walks in the mountains with Basayev.

Then I felt uneasy - when people are calling you about it, you turn into a person who has to provide some explanations. I re-direct all callers to [Elina's] mother and to her primary employers - like, what nonsense, please contact them for more details, I don't know anything - but they are still calling me.

What's going to happen tomorrow, I don't know.